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Monday, August 25, 2008
Loving the Troops, Hating Their Mission
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Denver - Yesterday, I once again watched
Speaker Nancy Pelosi stubbornly deny the success of the surge.
Under questioning from Tom Brokaw on Meet the Press, Pelosi
insisted that - despite dramatic improvements on the ground - the
surge has not been successful because "the Iraqi government has not
stepped up to the plate. . . . " Her opposition, in the interview
and elsewhere, is built on naming three pieces of stalled Iraqi
legislation. (Hmm, can you name three pieces of stalled U.S.
legislation?)
This remains the only anti-surge talking point on the Left. One
problem, though: it's no longer true - especially in light of the
Iraqi government's "surge" to autonomy, which is emblematic of
their newfound political aptitude. The Maliki government has passed
15 of the 18 political benchmarks our Congress laid before it, not
to mention taking on rogue Shia militias throughout the country and
bringing the largest Sunni political party back into the fold. It's
not a beacon of democracy yet, but it is Iraq-ocracy.
In light of this indisputable political progress and the dramatic
drop in violence in Iraq - which Brokaw referenced - Pelosi's
position is a radical one. Unfortunately, we've come to expect such
political talking points from Ms. Pelosi - nothing short of a
Planned Parenthood in every Iraqi village would denote success for
her. But what of the man who has pledged to usher in a new kind of
politics?
Senator Barack Obama has done his best to make it appear as if he
has embraced the surge, noting in his VFW speech last week, that
"gains have been made in lowering the level of violence" (note that
passive construction) and that Iraq's Security Forces have
"increase[ed] capacity." Such factual acknowledgements are welcome.
Yet when actually pressed on the subject he continues to insist -
as does Pelosi - that the surge has not worked. He is effectively
embracing the surge without embracing it at all.
Obama has gone so far as to insist - when pressed by Katie Couric
last month - that if given the opportunity to support or oppose the
surge again, he would still oppose it. So, on one hand, Obama
recognizes success in Iraq. But on the other hand, he still opposes
the American policy that fostered that success. In Obama's mind,
this is not a contradiction.
The reason why is that Obama won't admit that the gains we've seen
in Iraq are at all related to the surge. He knows things have
improved in Iraq - even on the political front - but credits
everything but the surge strategy and U.S. troops for those
improvements. Sure, he'll say on the stump that "our troops have
accomplished every mission" and "they have performed brilliantly."
But in the very next breath, he'll deny that they were responsible
for the success (remember: "gains have been made"). It seems as if
nothing good can possibly have come from U.S. military policy in
Iraq simply because it went ahead without Obama's blessing.
In January of this year, Obama said that security gains were
achieved because - get this - Sunni tribes in Anbar were scared
that "Democrats elected [to Congress] in 2006" would hasten
withdrawal. He has never retracted this unsubstantiated claim. More
recently, Obama and his apologist, Madame Speaker, credit
improvements in Iraq almost exclusively to the ceasefire of Muqtada
al Sadr's militia and the Sunni awakening (again, supposedly
induced by the Democrats). Pelosi has even cited the "goodwill of
the Iranians" as a factor; ignoring U.S. intelligence that shows
Iranian arms and expertise are killing our troops.
I gladly acknowledge that other factors (well, aside from the
ludicrous proposition on Iranian goodwill) have been integral to
progress in Iraq. But intellectual integrity should compel
Democratic leaders to admit that, at the very least, the surge has
been a significant factor in the gains. Why not, if only for the
sake of the troops (who, by the way, comprise "the surge"), admit
that it worked?
Because detaching the surge - and the troops - from the progress
in Iraq is a political necessity for Obama; admitting even the
qualified success of the surge would require admitting his failure
in judgment. Obama's entire campaign was born in the notion that he
exercised superior judgment on Iraq. Abandoning that proposition
now would risk alienating his antiwar base.
And who gets the shaft in this equation? The soldiers and Marines
who made the surge happen, that's who. They get no credit from
Obama and other leading Dems, whose mantra remains "we support the
troops, but not the war." They support the troops . . . but not so
far as to upset Pelosi and Obama's public narrative on Iraq. In
order to discredit the surge strategy, its architects, and its
principal political champion - John McCain - they are even willing
to credit progress in Iraq to Muqtada al Sadr and Iran.
At the convention today, I suspect, we'll see and hear only a few
platitudes about success in Iraq - our "troops are wonderful, but
the policy failed" they'll say; but bend your ear and see if you
hear anything positive about the surge. You won't.
It needn't be that way, and for the sake of our country's future -
in Iraq, Afghanistan, and the broader war on terror - Obama and Co.
should re-examine what it means to be for our troops in the
abstract but against their present mission. If not, the American
people just might do it for them.
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